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And when all the evil has come to pass, but the faithful of Christ have not apostatized from Him, then will come the Lord Jesus Christ from heaven with His angels and reward the just with eternal life and condemn the wicked to hell forevermore.

Thursday, December 1, 2011

Sweet Liberty: How Wars are MADE | The Revolution Extends - part 1

Adolf Hitler 20 April 1889 – 30 to April 1945) was a Diabolic Mountebank and an insane totalitarian despot, the same as his ally, Iosif Vissarionovich Dzhugashvili (1879-1953) known by his self chosen name of Joseph Stalin. Both of them, along with Mao Tse-Tung, were responsible for unimaginable numbers of people brutally murdered and all sorts of other crimes also. What this article shows, however, is that so much attention is focused on Hitler alone (by the conniving of the Zio-Communist cabal) that it overshadows and overtly and subvertly ON PURPOSE covers up the crimes of Zionist and Judeo-Masonic and Jew and Zio-Communist and British and American Royalist Imperialist maniacs. THEY ARE ALL CONDEMNED BY GOD and we must condemn them all as well.

How Wars are MADE | The Revolution Extends - part 1:

This is a forty-page chapter in Doug Reed's book, The Controversy of Zion. You will find it listed in the Resources section, as to where it can be purchased. Due to its length, we've posted the chapter in two parts.
In this chapter, Reed has detailed the treason committed in 1941, when:
The U.S. government maneuvered Japan into the attack on Pearl Harbor and withheld the date and time of the impending attack from the military leaders stationed there.
Under the Lend-Lease Act, billions of dollars in American made products, war materials, ships, airplanes -- just about everything a backward, floundering Communist Bolshevik nation would need to wage a war -- was sent to the Soviet Union. In a speech to Congress, that will be transcribed for this section later, FDR intimated that all this stuff was going to England.
In addition to the war material, the traitors/infiltrators in the U.S. government also sent plans on 'how to build the bomb', including the materials needed for that little project; AND, the plates and paper to print money for direct withdrawal from the U.S. treasury.
Reed's information on the material sent to the Soviet Union was taken from a small book titled Major Jordan's Diary, which -- according to our in depth search -- is no longer available in print. If we're able to locate a bookseller that does carry it, the information will be placed in the Resources section. Until then, you can read it here.
If we had these kinds of details from behind the scenes on today's neverendingwar on Terror, maybe the cannon fodder being used to execute the war -- men and women -- would refuse to go to war. Then, what miracles will happen? -- Jackie
FDR's report (lies) to the U.S. Congress on Lend-Lease is available here. (Link coming soon)
-- Jackie --
(reposted with intro and minor typo's corrected, June 15th, 2004)
The Second World War, much more clearly than the First, followed the course chartered by the Protocols of 1905. The embroiled masses wreaked destruction and vengeance on each other, not for their own salvation, but for the furtherance of a plan of general enslavement under a despotic "world government".
The aims initially proclaimed ("liberation", "freedom" and the destruction of "militarism", Nazism", Fascism", "totalitarian dictatorship" and the like) were not achieved; on the contrary. The area where these conditions prevailed was greatly enlarged.
Lenin, in his Collected Works, wrote:
"The World War" (1914-1918) "will see the establishment of Communism in Russia; a second world war will extend its control over Europe; and a third world war will be necessary to make it worldwide".
The central phrase of this forecast was almost literally fulfilled by the outcome of the Second War. The revolution extended its military control over all Europe, at least at the outset of any third war. In 1956 the American General Gruenther, who then bore the rank, apparently made permanent by some untraceable act of the "premier-dictators" in wartime, of "Supreme Allied Commander", told a West German newspaper, "If it should come to a battle on the ground at all, then we are, of course, not strong enough to hold the present front in Europe".
By 1956 the Western people, for ten years, had been made accustomed by almost daily intimations from their leaders to the thought that war with "Russia" was inevitable.
This was the consequence of the outcome of the Second War; this outcome, again, was the result of the diversion of acts of state policy and of military operations to the purposes of destroying nation-states and of general enslavement; and this diversion, in turn, was the consequence of the process described in the previous chapter as "the invasion of America". The strength and wealth of America were decisive in the Second War and they were used to bring about a denouement which made a third war a permanent peril.
Thus the story of America's embroilment in the Second War demonstrated the power of the "foreign group" which had come to dictate in Washington, and gave living reality to the farewell address of George Washington himself:
"Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence, I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens, the jealously of a free people ought to be constantly awake, since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government".
Washington spoke in 1776, when the Reign of Terror had shown the true nature of the revolution in France and when the presence of the conspiracy's agents in America was first realized.
The published records of the Second War show that the conspiracy had obtained power to dictate major acts of American state policy, the course of military operations and the movement of arms, munitions, supplies and treasure. Its conscious agents were numerous and highly-placed. Among the leading men who supported or submitted to them many may have been unaware of the consequences to which their actions were bound to lead.
This chapter in the republic's story occupied three and a half years, from Pearl Harbour to Yalta. A significant resemblance occurs between the manner of America's entry into war in 1898 and 1941. In both cases the provocation necessary to inflame the masses was supplied, and difficult problems of convincing Congress or "public opinion" were thus eluded.
In 1898 the Maine was "sunk by a Spanish mine" in Havana harbour, and war followed on the instant; many years later, when the Maine was raised, her plates were found to have been blown out by an inner explosion.
In 1941 the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbour "on a day that will live in infamy" enabled President Roosevelt to sell his country that through a completely unexpected attack it was "at war". The later disclosures showed that the government in Washington had long been warned of the impending attack and had not alerted the Pearl Harbour defenders.
In both cases the public masses remained apathetic when these revelations ensued. (They are of continuing relevance in 1956, when another American president has publicly sworn that he will "never be guilty" of sending his country to war "without Congressional authority", but has added that American troops might have to undertake "local warlike acts in self-defence", without such parliamentary approval.)
In the First War President Wilson, re-elected on the promise to keep his country out of war, immediately after his re-inauguration declared that "a state of war exists". In the Second War President Roosevelt was re-elected in 1940 on the repeated promise that "your boys are not going to be sent into any foreign wars". His electoral programme, however, included a five-word proviso:
"We will not send our armies, navies or air forces to fight in foreign lands outside the Americas except in case of attack".
These five words were added (says one of Mr. Bernard Baruch's approved biographers, Mr. Rosenbloom)
"by Senator James F. Byrnes, who was so close to Baruch that it was sometimes impossible to tell which of the two originated the view that both expressed".
The importance of the proviso was shown on December 7, 1941, when the Japanese attacked Pearl Harbour. Twelve days earlier, Mr. Henry L. Stimson, the Secretary for War, after a cabinet meeting on November 25, 1941, had noted in his diary,
"The question was how we should manoeuvre them" (the Japanese) "into the position of firing the first shot without allowing too much danger to ourselves; it was a difficult proposition".
The pre-history of the notation, again, is:
that on January 27, 1941 the United States Ambassador in Tokyo had advised his government that "in the event of trouble breaking out between the United States and Japan, the Japanese intended to make a surprise attack against Pearl Harbour";
that the Soviet spy in Tokyo, Dr. Richard Sorge, informed the Soviet government in October 1941 that "the Japs intended to attack Pearl Harbour within sixty days" and was advised by the Soviet Government that his information had been transmitted to President Roosevelt (according to Sorge's confession, New York Daily News, May 17, 1951);
that the Roosevelt government delivered a virtual ultimatum to Japan on November 26, 1941; that secret Japanese messages from September 1941 up to the very moment of the attack, which were intercepted and decoded by United States intelligence units, gave unmistakable evidence of a coming attack on Pearl Harbour but were not transmitted to the American commanders there;
that on December 1, the Head of Naval Intelligence, Far Eastern Section, drafted a dispatch to the Commander-in-Chief of the Pacific Fleet saying "war between Japan and the United States is imminent", which was cancelled by superior authority;
that on December 5 Colonel Sadtler of the U.S. signal Corps, on information received, drafted a dispatch to commanders, "War with japan imminent; eliminate all possibility of another Port Arthur"" (an allusion to the similar "surprise attack" that began the Russo-Japanese war, which was similarly suppressed; that a Japanese reply, obviously tantamount to a declaration of war, to the Roosevelt ultimatum was received in Washington on December 6, 1941 but no word was sent to the Pearl Harbour defenders.
A message stating that "the Japanese are presenting at one p.m., eastern time today what amounts to an ultimatum. . . be on the alert" was at last dispatched about noon on December 7, 1941, and reached the commanders at Pearl Harbour between six and eight hours after the Japanese attack.
The record now available suggests that the Americans on Hawaii alone were left without knowledge of the imminent onslaught which cost two battleships and two destroyers (apart from many vessels put out of action, 177 aircraft and 4,575 dead, wounded or missing.
A direct and immediate consequence was also the disaster suffered by the British navy off Malaya, when the battleships Prince of Wales and Renown were sunk with great loss of life.
Political leaders who are ready to obtain their country's entry into war by facilitating an enemy attack on it cannot be depended on to wage it in the national interest. The American people as a whole still is unaware of the truth of Pearl Harbour, an ominous beginning which led in unbroken line to the ominous end.
Eight investigations were held, seven naval or military ones during wartime and one Congressional one at the war's end. Thus wartime secrecy enshrouded them all and none of them was truly public or exhaustive; moreover, all were conducted under the aegis of the political party whose man was president at the time of Pearl Harbour.
The vital facts (that the president knew at the latest eight weeks earlier, from an intercepted Japanese dispatch, that a surprise attack was being planned and that those intercepted messages were withheld from the Pearl Harbour commanders over a long period) were burked throughout.
The Secretary of War's diary (with the significant entry above quoted) was not admitted in evidence and Mr. Stimson himself was not called, being in ill health. Control of the press enabled the long proceedings (six months) to be presented to the public in bewildering and confusing form.
However, the three naval commanders chiefly concerned have published their accounts.
Rear Admiral Kimmel, Commander-in-Chief of the Pacific Fleet at the time, says of another admiral's belief that
"President Roosevelt's plans required that no word be sent to alert the fleet in Hawaii", that "the individuals in high positions in Washington who willfully refrained from alerting our forces at Pearl Harbour should never be excused.
"The Commanders at Pearl Harbour were never informed of. . . the American note delivered to the Japanese Ambassadors on November26, 1941, which effectually ended the possibility of further negotiations and thus made the Pacific war inevitable. . . No hint of vital intercepts received, decoded and delivered to responsible officials in Washington on December 6 and 7, 1941, was sent to the Navy and Army Commanders in the Hawaiian area".
Fleet Admiral Halsey, who at that time was on of Admiral Kimmel's three senior commanders, says,
"All our intelligence pointed to an attack by Japan against the Philippines or the southern areas in Malaya or the Dutch East Indies. While Pearl Harbour was considered and not ruled out, the mass of the evidence made available to us pointed in another direction. Had we known of Japan's minute and continued interest in the exact location and movement of our ships to Pearl Harbour (indicated by the withheld message) it is only logical that we would have concentrated our thought on meeting the practical certainty of an attack on Pearl Harbour".
Rear Admiral Theobald, commanding destroyers of the Battle Force at Pearl Harbour, writing in 1954 says,
"Dictates of patriotism requiring secrecy regarding a line of national conduct in order to preserve it for possible future repetition do not apply in this case because, in this atomic age, facilitating an enemy's surprise attack, as a method of initiating a war, is unthinkable".
The admiral presumably means that he hopes a repetition is "unthinkable". He adds,
"The recurrent fact of the true Pearl Harbour story has been the repeated withholding of information from Admiral Kimmel and General Short (the naval and military commanders at Pearl Harbour, who were made scapegoats) . . . never before in recorded history had a field commander been denied information that his country would be at war in a matter of hours, and that everything pointed to a surprise attack upon his forces shortly after sunrise".
Admiral Theobald quotes the later statement of Admiral Stark (who in December 1941 was Chief of Naval Operations in Washington and who refused to inform Admiral Kimmel of the Japanese declaration of war message) that all he did was done on the order of higher authority, "which can only mean President Roosevelt. The most arresting thing he did, during that time, was to withhold information from Admiral Kimmel".
Fleet Admiral Halsey, writing in 1953, described Admiral Kimmel and General Short as "our outstanding military martyrs". They were retired to conceal from the public, amid the confusion and secrecy of war, the true source of responsibility for the disaster at Pearl Harbour, but they were rather "the first" than the "outstanding" military martyrs, in the sense used by Admiral Halsey.
They originated a line, now long, of American naval and military commanders who experienced something new in the history of their calling and country. They found that they courted dismissal or relegation if they strove for military victory by the best military means or objected to some strategy dictated from above which was obviously prejudicial to military victory. Their operations had to conform to some higher plan, the nature of which they could not plainly perceive, but which was patently not that, of military victory in the national interest, taught to them from their earliest days as the sole ultimate reason for a soldier's being.
What, then, was this superior plan, to which all American military effort from Pearl Harbour to Yalta and after was made to conform? It was in fact Lenin's "extension" of the revolution. The story of the three-and-a-half years only becomes explicable in that light.
In the First World War, American entry coincided with the revolution in Russia, and Mr. House at once instructed the president "to proffer our financial, industrial and moral support in every way possible" to the new "democracy".
In the Second War Hitler's attack on his Moscovite accomplice followed quickly on Mr. Roosevelt's second re-inauguration and before Pearl Harbour America was in the war as far as support of the "new democracy" was concerned, for "financial, industrial and moral support", by way of "Lend-Lease", was being prepared for the revolutionary state in a measure never before imagined possible.*
* footnote:
The three forms of such support enumerated by Mr. House include "financial" support. The most difficult of all questions to answer is, how much financial support then was given.
Innumerable books allude to large financial support by "Wall Street banking houses" and the like, but I have quoted none of these here because I could not verify, and therefore do not quote these; such transactions, in any case, are almost impossible to uncover, being conducted in the greatest secrecy.
However, a significant allusion appears in a letter from Lenin himself to Angelica Balabanoff (his representative in Stockholm at the period when Communism was 'establishing' itself in Moscow).
"Spend millions, tens of millions, if necessary. there is plenty of money at our disposal".
"No doubt remains about the German financial support given to the Bolshevik conspirators. The German Foreign Office documents captured by the Allies in 1945 include a telegram sent by the German Foreign Minister, Richard von Kuchmann to the Kaiser on Dec. 3, 1916 which says,
"It was not until the Bolsheviks had received from us a steady flow of funds through various channels and under varying labels that they were in a position to be able to build up their main organ, the Pravda, to conduct energetic propaganda appreciably to extend the originally narrow basis of their party".
The foreign Minister, anticipating the illusions of Western politicians in the next generations, added,
"It is entirely in our interest that we should exploit the period while they are in power, which may be a short one. . . "
(someone added a note in the margin:
"There is no question of supporting the Bolsheviks in the future", a dictum which did not reckon with Hitler).
The German papers include a report made in August 1915 by the German Ambassador in Copenhagen, Count Brockdorff-Rantzau, on the activities of "an expert on Russia", one Dr. Helphand, who was helping to organize the Bolshevik conspiracy. This says, "Dr. Parvis" (Helphand's pseudonym) "has provided the organization with a sum to cover running expenses. . . not even the gentlemen working in the organization realize that our Government is behind it".
Helphand then estimated the cost of organizing the revolution "completely" at "about twenty million roubles". Brockdorff-Rantzau received authority from Berlin to make an advance payment and Helphand's receipt is in the documents.
"Received from the German Embassy in Copenhagen on the 29th of December 1915 the sum of one million roubles in Russian banknotes for the promotion of the revolutionary movement in Russia; signed Dr. A. Helphand" (Royal Institute of International Affairs journal, London, April 1956).
[Transcriber note: This information confirms the statements in Nesta Webster's book, Germany and England, regarding the fact that Germany, under the Weimar Republic, was totally controlled by the Jewish elite, as is obvious today in the U.S. Government. It appears that Israel is the seat of the U.S. Government. . . or rather the power center.]
By June of 1942 President Roosevelt's intimate, a Mr. Harry Hopkins, publicly told the Communist state (at a mass meeting in Madison Square Garden), "We are determined that nothing shall stop us from sharing with you all that we have and are".
These words reflected a presidential order earlier issued (March 7, 1942) to American war agencies (and much later made public) that preference in the supply of munitions should be given to the Soviet Union over all other Allies and over the armed forces of the United States.
The Chief of the American Military Mission in Moscow, Major General John R. Deane, in a book of 1947 described his vain efforts to stem the tide and said this order of President Roosevelt was
"the beginning of a policy of appeasement of Russia from which we have never recovered and from which we are still suffering".
The word "appeasement" was incorrectly used by General Deane, for the policy went far beyond simple "appeasement", and was obviously aimed at increasing the military and industrial strength of the revolutionary state after the war.
It is explicit in the above passages that Mr. Roosevelt intended to give the revolutionary state greater support than any other ally, free or captive, and implicit that he was resolved to support Poland's aggressor and was indifferent about the "liberation" of other countries overrun.
The high cause held out to the Western masses, until they were fully involved in the war, had in fact been abandoned, and the supra-national project of extending the revolution, destroying nation-states and advancing the world-government ambition had been put in their place. (I began to write in this sense in 1942 and my elimination from daily journalism then began; up to that time I was one of the highly-paid "names" in the newspapers).
In 1941 this policy of supporting the revolutionary state was clearly bound to produce much greater effects than in 1917. In 1917 American support could only effect "the establishment" of Communism in Russia.
In 1941 the situation was entirely different. Communism was long since "established". Support, if given in the boundless measure promised by Mr. Hopkins, was bound to enable it to "extend", in accordance with Lenin's diction.
The support given was so prodigious that it enabled Communism to "extend" over a vast area and to prepare for another war as well; the prospect of this third war, arising immediately the second one ended, was then depicted to the Western masses as the consequences of Soviet perfidy.
The values transferred to the revolutionary state from America are almost beyond human comprehension. Elected in 1932 to abolish "deficits", President Roosevelt in twelve years spent more than all former American presidents together, and in sovereign irresponsibility. Public expenditure in America today, eleven years after his death, is still beyond the understanding of all academy of accountants; it is a balloon world of noughts with a few numerals scattered among them.
In this zero-studded firmament the amount "lent-leased" to the revolutionary state by President Roosevelt might seem insignificant 9,500,000,000 dollars. In fact arms and goods to that value were shipped in theory on a sale-or-return basis; it was a vast transfer of treasure, and a few decades earlier would have enabled several new states to set up housekeeping without fear of the future.
This stream of wealth was directed by one man, described by his official biographer (Mr. Robert E. Sherwood) as "the second most important man in the United States". Mr. Harry Hopkins thus played the potentate's part, in the distribution of war materials, first filled by Mr. Bernard Baruch in 1917.
The original idea was Mr. Baruch's, who in 1916 insistently demanded that "one man" be appointed as the "administrator" of the all-powerful War Industries Board which, when America entered that war, grew out of an earlier "Advisory Commission" attached to the president's Cabinet "Defence Council".
This pre-history of Mr. Hopkins' appointment is significant, because it shows the continuing power and method of the group around the American presidents of both world wars.
A Congressional Investigating Committee of 1919, headed by Mr. William J. Graham, said of the "Advisory Commission" which produced the 1918 War Industries Board, that it
"served as the secret government of the United States. A commission of seven men chosen by the president seems to have devised the entire system of purchasing war supplies, planned a press censorship, designed a system of food control. . . and in a word designed practically every war measure which the Congress subsequently enacted, and did all this behind closed doors weeks and even months before the Congress of the United States declared war against Germany. . .
"There was not an act of the so-called war legislation afterwards enacted that had not before the actual declaration of war been discussed and settled upon by this Advisory Commission".
Mr. Baruch himself, testifying before a Select Committee of Congress on the wartime activities of the "one-man" authority which he himself had caused to be set up, said,
"The final determination rested with me. . . whether the Army or Navy would have it. . . the railroad administrations. . . or the Allies, or whether General Allenby should have locomotives, or whether they should be used in Russia or in France. . . I probably had more power than perhaps any other man did. . . "
(This was the First War background to Mr. Churchill's words to Mr. Baruch in 1939, "War is coming. . . you will be running the show over there".
The extent of Mr. Baruch's power in the First War is further illustrated by an incident in 1919, when President Wilson was brought back to America a completely incapacitated man. Mr. Baruch then "became one of the group that made decisions during the president's illness" (Mr. Rosenbloom).
This group came to be known as "the Regency Council", and when the ailing president's senior Cabinet officer, Mr. Robert Lansing, Secretary of State, called Cabinet meetings on his own authority the president, from his sickbed, dismissed him, though he broke also with other associates, including Mr. House, "Wilson clung to his trust in Baruch").
In the Second War President Roosevelt revived President Wilson's power to establish a "Defence Council" with an "Advisory Commission" (1940), and in 1942 this was enlarged into a "War Production Board", the counterpart of the 1918 "War Industries Board".
Mr. Baruch again advised that "one man" be put in charge of this all-powerful body, but in the event he was not the one man appointed. His biographer says that he was disappointed, but the reader may keep an open mind about that.
The rare references to Mr. Baruch in this narrative do not denote the extent of his influence. The best observers known to me all believed that he was the most powerful of the men around American presidents over a period of more than forty years, up to now.
His biographer states that he continued to act as advisor to every American president (including the three Republican ones of 1920, 1924 and 1928) from president Wilson on, and writing in 1952, predicted that he would also "advise" President Eisenhower and even gave an outline of what this advice would be. Mr. Baruch's true place in this story, or the present writer's estimate of it, will be shown at a later stage, when he made his most significant open appearance.
Even though Mr. Baruch, with evident accuracy, described himself as the most powerful man in the world in 1917-1918, his power actually to shape the events and maps of the world was much less than that of any man who occupied the same place in the Second War, for the obvious reason that "the determination of what anybody could have" now extended to the revolutionary state established as a great military power with obvious and vast territorial aims.
Even the War Production Board became of secondary importance when the "Lend-Lease Administration" was set up, and Mr. Harry Hopkins was appointed "Administrator" and also chairman of President Roosevelt's "Soviet Protocol Committee" with power "to determine supply quotas to be dispatched to Russia". From that moment the fate and future of the West were in the hands of a man know to a wide circle as "Harry the Hop".
Mr. Hopkins could only have occupied so elevated a place in the Twentieth Century. Public opinion, if informed by a free and impartial press, would hardly have suffered him, for he had no qualification to handle great affairs, least of all foreign ones. Even his biographer, though well-disposed to a fellow-inmate of the White House (in which respectable precincts Mr. Hopkins, according to his own diary, once acted as pander to a visiting Communist notable, a Mr. Molotov) wonders how this man, "so obscure in origin and so untrained for great responsibility", could have become "Special Adviser to the President".
As to that, today's student cannot discover who "chose" Mr. Hopkins for his role. However, he finds that Mr. Hopkins in his youth had absorbed the same kind of ideas (those of "Louis Blanc and the revolutionaries of 1848") which Mr. House acquired in his Texan boyhood. Mr. Hopkins had studied at the feet of a Fabian socialist from London (who held that nation-states should disappear in a "United States of the World") and from a Jewish teacher of Bohemian and Russian origins who had been a pupil of Tolstoy, the Bolshevists' hero. The transmission of "ideas", again.
Presumably these were the qualifications which cause Mr. Sherwood to call him "the inevitable Roosevelt favourite". Earlier he had been known as a "fixer" and fund-raiser and "little brother of the rich". The University of Oxford conferred on him one of the most ill-fitting doctorates in its history and Mr. Churchill's fulsome references to him, in the war memoirs, are strange to read.
When Mr. Hopkins took his place as chairman of President Roosevelt's Soviet Protocol Committee he found among its members some who greatly mistrusted the policy of unconditional supply to the revolutionary state. He issued to them the following imperial fiat:
"The United States is doing things which it would not do for other United Nations without full information from them. This decision to act without full information was made. . . after due deliberation. . . There was no reservation about the policy at the present time but the policy was constantly being brought up by various persons for rediscussion. He proposed that nor further consideration be given to these requests for rediscussion" (1942).
Thus the revolutionary state, through Mr. Hopkins, was shown to be "the inevitable Roosevelt favourite". In this passage the mystery recurs to which I drew attention in the case of British Ministers and Zionism: the "policy" has been "settled" and cannot be altered. By whom this policy had been "deliberated", and who had decreed that it must not be re-examined in any circumstances whatever, were Mr. Hopkins''s secrets, and all this was again "behind closed doors" as far as the embroiled masses were concerned.
In vain the Republican leader, Senator Robert E. Taft, protested when he saw what was going on:
"How can anyone swallow the idea that Russia is battling for democratic principles. . . To spread the four freedoms throughout the world we will ship aeroplanes and tanks to Communist Russia. But no country was more responsible for the present war and Germany's aggression".
A violent campaign was immediately begun in the press which continued until Senator Taft's death. Today's map and state of affairs vindicate his warning, and those who today read Mr. Hopkins''s fiat, quoted above, may see that the outcome of the war was determined by these secret actions of 1942 and earlier.
Of "aeroplanes and tanks" 15,000 and 7,000 respectively, were donated. A navy of 581 vessels was also given (over many years 127 of these were returned and in 1956 the Soviet offered to pay for 31; the remaining ships, over 300, were declared to have been lost, sunk or declared unseaworthy). A merchant fleet was also presented.
This was only the smaller part of the total transfer of wealth in many forms. The American Government has never published the details of its deliveries. The fact that these are known, and that the greater part of them consisted of supplies obviously designed to strengthen the industrial and war-making capacity of the revolutionary state after the war's end, is due to one of the accidents which assist the historian, although, in the condition of the press today, they never reach the general public mind and therefore produce no remedial result.
In May 1942 a Captain George Racey Jordan reported for duty at the great Newark Airport in new Jersey. He was a First War soldier rejoined and had never forgotten the advice of a sergeant given to him in Texas in 1917:
"Keep your eyes and ears open, keep your big mouth shut, and keep a copy of everything".
To the last five words posterity owes the most astonishing book (in my opinion) of the Second World War.
Captain Jordan was instructed to report to "United nations Depot No. 8", as he found Newark Airport to be described on his orders. The body known as the "United Nations" was set up three years later, and this was an anticipation revealing the intention of the men around the president.
Captain Jordan, when he reported for duty as Liaison Officer, had no suspicion of the power of the Soviet in America and was soon enlightened in three ways.
In May 1942, after an American Airlines passenger aircraft on the apron brushed the engine housing of a Lend-Lease medium bomber waiting to be flown to the Soviet Government, a Soviet officer angrily demanded the banishment of American Airlines from this great American airport. When this was refused the Soviet officer said he would "call Mr. Hopkins", and in a few days an order from the United States Civil Aeronautic board banished all American civil airlines from the field.
Captain Jordan then began to keep a very full diary, and by means of it was later able to show (when he and the rest of the world learned about "atomic bombs") that during 1942 about fifteen million dollars worth of graphite, aluminum tubes, cadmium metal and thorium (all materials necessary for the creation of an atomic pile) were sent to the Soviet Government fro Newark.
At this time the "Manhattan Project" (the production of the first atom bomb) was supposed to be of such intense secrecy that its chief, Major General Leslie R. Groves, later testified that his office would have refused, without his personal approval, to supply any document even to President Roosevelt.
In 1942, when he made these entries in his diary, Captain Jordan had no idea of the use to which these materials might be put, for he had never heard of the "Manhattan Project" or of "the atom bomb".
His next experience of the authority wielded by the Soviet officers came when one of them took affront on seeing a red star on an aeroplane belonging to the Texaco Oil Company and threatened to "phone Washington" and have it removed. Captain Jordan had difficulty in explaining that the Texas Oil Company had been using the emblems of its home state (the "Lone Star State") for many years before the 1917 revolution!
At this time Captain Jordan began to realize that the mass of material that was going to the Communist state was not in the least covered by the terms of the master Lend-Lease agreement. ("The government of the United States will continue to supply the U.S.S.R. with such defence articles, defence services and defence information as the President. . . shall authorize to be transferred or provided") but included many things that had nothing to do with "defence" and everything to do with the post-war strengthening of the Soviet.
He noted, for instance, the supply of "tractors and farm machinery, aluminum manufacturing plant, railway car shops, steel mill equipment" and the like more. These shipments (which an enthusiastic interpreter told him, "will help to Fordize our country") are indicated in the round totals which are the only information on the subject provided by the American Government.
President Truman's ‘Twenty First Report to Congress on Lend-Lease Operations' shows under the head of "Non-munitions" the enormous figures of $1,674,586.000 for agricultural products and $3,040, 423,000,000 for industrial materials and products.
In 1943 when heavy losses to the ocean convoys caused a much greater proportion of Lend-Lease materials to be sent by air, and American air-terminus for the movement of these supplies was set up at Great Falls, Montana, and Captain Jordan was transferred there as "Lend-Lease Expediter".
Once more his orders from the United States Army Air Force designated him "United Nations Representative", though no such body existed, and he found awaiting him a presidential directive, headed "Movement of Russian Airplanes", which said that
". . . the modification, equipment and movement of Russian planes have been given first priority, even over planes for U.S. Army Air Forces".
He also had his third experience of Soviet power: the soviet officer with whom he dealt held that his rank of captain was too low and asked for his promotion to major; when the gold oak leaves duly arrived they were pinned on major Jordan's shoulders by Colonel Kotikov, an event probably unprecedented in American military history.
Major Jordan then noticed that an extravagant number of black suitcases, roped and sealed, was passing through his "pipeline to Moscow". His misgivings were by this time heavy and he used a favourable opportunity (and the sole power remaining to him, that of giving or withholding clearance for American-piloted Lend-Lease aircraft on the last stretch to Fairbanks in Alaska) to thrust past armed Soviet secret policemen into an aeroplane and open about eighteen suitcases out of fifty. He made a rough note of the contents of the opened ones.
Among the mass of papers, plans, correspondence and blueprints were two discoveries which, years later, proved to fit neatly into the picture of espionage and conspiracy which was revealed by the various exposures of 1945-1946. One was a bundle of State Department folders, each with a tab. One of these read, "From Hiss", and another, "From Sayre".
Major Jordan had never heard either name, but they were the names of the chief State Department official later convicted (Alger Hiss) and of another State Department official involved in the same affair. These folders contained copies of secret dispatches from American attaches in Moscow, forwarded by diplomatic pouch to Washington, and now returning in duplicate to those from whom they were to be held secret.
The more important discovery was one which affects all men living in the West as much today as if it were now defected. It was a letter addressed to the Soviet Commissar of foreign Trade, Mikoyan. Major Jordan noted down an excerpt from it
". . . had a hell of a time getting these away from Groves" (the chief of the atomic-bomb project).
The letter was signed "H.H." Attached to it were a map of the Oak Ridge atomic plant in Tennessee and a carbon copy of a report, rubber-stamped "Harry Hopkins", containing a number of names so strange to major Jordan that he also made a note of them, intending to look up their meaning.
Among them were "cyclotron", "proton" and "deuteron", and phrases like "energy produced by fission" and "walls five feet thick, of lead and water, to control flying neutrons". Mr. Hopkins as already shown, was "the inevitable Roosevelt favourite", "the Special Adviser to the President", "the second most important man in the United States".
(For some years after the Second War the public masses in America and England were told by their leaders that their best protection against a new war, and the most effective deterrent to "Soviet aggression", was Western possession of the atom bomb. On September 23, 1949 the Soviet Union exploded an atom bomb, to the surprise of none who carefully followed affairs.
Major Jordan then could contain himself no longer and approached a Senator, who was stirred enough to induce a leading broadcaster, Mr. Fulton Lewis, to make the story known. In that form, and in his later book, it thus became public, and it was the subject of two Congressional hearings, in December 1949 and March 1930.
The press unitedly misrepresented the gravamen of the matter and, as in all these cases, no true remedial effect was produced; nothing effective has been done to prevent the recurrence of a similar state of affairs, in another war).
In 1944 Major Jordan, more worried than ever, attempted to see the Lend-Lease liaison officer at the State Department but was intercepted by a junior official who told him
"Officers who are too officious are likely to find themselves on an island somewhere in the South Seas".
Not long after he was removed from White Falls. His book contains the complete list of Lend-Lease shipments which as liaison officer, he was able to see and copy. This shows all the chemicals, metals and minerals suitable for use in an atomic pile which were transferred, and some of them may also be suitable for use in the hydrogen bomb, they include:
beryllium, cadmium, cobalt ore and concentrate (33,600 lbs),
cobalt metal and cobalt-bearing scrap (806,941 lbs),
uranium metal (2.2 lbs),
aluminum tubes (12,766,472 lbs),
graphite (7,384,482 lbs),
thorium, uranium nitrate, oxide and urano-uranic oxide, aluminum and alloys (366,738,204 lbs),
aluminum rods (13,744,709 lbs),
aluminum plates (124,053, 618 lbs),
brass and bronze ingots and bars (76,545,000 lbs),
brass or bronze wire (16,139,702 lbs),
brass and bronze plates (536,632,390 lbs),
insulated copper wire (399,556,720 lbs), and so on.
These lists also include the "purely postwar Russian supplies" (General Groves), such as:
an oil-refinery plant, forging machinery and parts ($53,856,071),
lathes, precision boring-machines, canning machinery, commercial dairy equipment, sawmill machinery) textile machinery, power machines (60,313,833),
foundry equipment, electric station equipment, telephone instruments and equipment, radio sets and equipment ($52,072,805),
9.594 railway freight cars, 1,168 steam locomotives ($101,075,116),
merchant vessels ($123,803,879),
motor trucks ($508,367,622), and endlessly on.
Among the major donations obviously intended to strengthen the Soviet Union industrially after the war, Major Jordan's records include:
one repair plant for precision instruments ($5450,000),
two factories for food products ($6,924,000),
three gas generating units ($21,399,000),
one petroleum refinery with machinery and equipment ($29,050,000),
17 stationary steam and three hydro-electric plants ($273,289,000).
The Soviet lists reproduced by Major Jordan suggest that a spirit approaching hysteria in giving, moved Mr. Hopkins ad his associates, for they include items for which no rational explanation can be found, for instance:
teeth ($956),
9,126 watches with jewels ($143,922),
6,22 lbs of toilet soap,
$400 worth of lipsticks,
373 gallons of liquor,
$57,444 worth of fishing tackle,
$161,046 worth of magic lanterns, $4,352 worth of "fun fair" devices,
13,256 lbs of carbon paper,
two "new pianos",
$60,000 worth of musical instruments and
one pipe, valued at ten dollars! (an item which conjures up visions of the "Beloved Leader" – Mr. Roosevelt's and Mr. Churchill's "Uncle Joe" [Stalin]).
Mr. Hopkins' past as a professional fund-raiser and welfare-worker seems to show in the donation of $88,701,103 over four years, for "relief or charity". Those who have visited Soviet Russia may try to imagine this money being doled out by the Commissars to the poor!
This was not the end of cash-giving under "Lend-Lease". In 1944 Mr. Henry Morgenthau junior, Mr. Roosevelt's Secretary of the Treasury, and his Assistant Secretary, Mr. Harry Dexter White (later shown to have been a Soviet agent) ordered the shipment to the Soviet Government of duplicates of the United States Treasury plates to be used for printing money for the use of the forces occupying Germany after the war.
This meant that the money printed by the Soviet Government for the use of its troops was redeemable by the American Government as there was no distinction whatever between the paper printed.
By the end of 1946, when public protests caused the American Government to stop paying its own troops with those notes, so that the Soviet Government could make no further use of them, the United States Military Government in Germany found that it had redeemed about $250,000,000 in excess of the total of notes issued by its own Finance Office.
The Soviet Government ignored a request to pay the modest sum of some $18,000 for the plates and materials delivered to it, which had enabled it to draw $250,000,000 straight from the United States Treasury.
Thus, for four or five years there was an unlimited transfer of the wherewithal of war, of supplies for post-war industrial use, and of wealth in manifold forms to the revolutionary state, and "re-discussion" of this policy lay under ban at the highest level. Moreover, "preference" and "priority" for this policy, in relation to American needs or those of other allies, was explicitly ordered at that level.
There were to other ways in which the revolutionary state could be "supported" and helped to "extend".
(1) the conduct of military operations;
(2) the direction of State policy at high-level conferences issuing from these military operations.
As the policy of delivering arms and wealth was so firmly, even fanatically pursued in favour of the revolutionary state, it was logical to expect that the same policy would be pursued through military operations and the conferences resulting from them. In fact, this happened, as good observers foresaw at the time and as the receding picture of the war now plainly shows. It also was the inevitable result of the capture of a great measure of power behind the scenes, in the American Republic, by means of the invasion described in the last chapter.
continued in part two

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